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This article discusses the consequences of World War I towards the struggle for independence for the Balkan States. It argues that the formational process of the state of Yugoslavia was a political compromise among the Slav nations, namely the Serbs, the Croats and the Muslims in the Balkans consisting of the former Austria-Hungarian territories. The research method was based on the content analysis of declassified documents from the Public Record Office, London and the personal collection of Seton Watson documents at the University of London. This article finds that the idea of Greater Serbia is at odds with the idea of Jugoslav. This is the threat to the unification of a new state. Pressure from outside, such as Italy wanting to take advantage of the Austrian-Hungarian place in the Balkans, has alarmed Jugoslav and Serbian leaders. The Italian threat forced the Slav political leaders to immediately agree to form a Yugoslav government, even if not wholeheartedly.

One of the most important factors in maintaining a nation's unity and integrity is national identity. If national identity is defined as a sense of belonging to a country whose citizens share a common language, land, cultural heritage, customs, emotions, memories, political system, beliefs, symbols, national heroes, history, economics, art and literature, and even religion, then this sense of belonging can be a source of national solidarity and unity. Governments all over the world take advantage of educational content at different educational levels to promote a common national identity among children and adolescents in order to maintain the existence and integrity of their own country. Based on national identity elements in the formal education of primary schools in Belgium, this study aimed to analyze the answers of Belgian primary school teachers and principals to a 25-item questionnaire (sent to 3,140 primary schools in three languages of English, French, and Dutch). The results of analyzing the survey results based on national identity elements contained in the educational content of primary schools indicated that the Belgian primary school teachers and principals seek to build a common national identity based on the constituents of Belgian nationality, even if they do not admit it verbally. Also Belgian government demonstrates that not only is not indifferent to national identity but it adopts programs and strategies to consolidate the national identity and build a unified nation based on Belgian values. This study employed desk studies, qualitative content analysis, and field studies to analyze the data obtained from questionnaires and direct observations.

In June 2014, Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani issued a fatwa mandating Iraqis to volunteer in the security forces to fight against ISIS. Consequently, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), otherwise called Alhashd Alshabi, were formed primarily from these volunteers, most of whom were Shias. In December 2016, the Iraqi Parliament issued a law that granted full legal status to the PMF. However, the PMF continued to face accusations of disobedience to the laws of the Iraqi state and the orders of the Commander-in-Chief of the Iraqi Armed Forces, raising concerns about its impact on the state's stability. This article aims to examine the nature of some PMF violations of the rule of law, explore the root causes of this phenomenon, and assess the possibility of eliminating or mitigating it. It argues that this phenomenon has social, historical, and religious origins tied to the relationship between the Shia in Iraq and the state. In particular, the internal divisions within the PMF stem from differences in perspectives regarding the rule of law. Thus, the article suggests that addressing this problem requires a long-term strategy beyond mere legal transformations. The article adopts a qualitative approach, which relies on the collection and analysis of data from the literature.

Following the contemporary globalization process, cities have gained a strong presence in world politics, and by connecting to international urban networks, they play an effective role in the common interests of themselves and other urban actors. The current research aims to investigate the requirements of forming an international union of cities around the Persian Gulf by strengthening city diplomacy in the region with the benefit of a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, the background of economic and social relations and the region's current situation have been investigated using reliable sources and articles. Finally, the model of city diplomacy in the Persian Gulf region has been presented. The research findings show that the cities of this region have moved in the direction of divergence despite the presence of many convergence factors, and the formation of an international urban union in the region will play an effective role in increasing convergence and greater peace in the region.

This research engages in a comparative analysis of the two most dangerous jihadist terrorist organizations in Iraq: Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS). The central hypothesis suggests that ISIS poses a more significant risk to social harmony in Iraq than Al-Qaeda. The primary goal of this study is to assess and compare the distinct impact of these prominent terrorist groups on social peace in the Iraqi context. By examining their respective ideologies, strategies, and targeted demographics, this research aims to shed light on the varying levels of threat they pose to communal cohesion and regional security. To achieve these objectives, a qualitative methodology was employed, utilizing secondary sources to investigate the threats that Al-Qaeda and ISIS pose to social peace in Iraq. The findings of this study provide compelling evidence supporting the claim that ISIS (Daesh) presents a significantly greater threat to social peace in Iraq compared to the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda. .

The aim of this study is to evaluate the degree to which the mentality and behaviour of the Kedah and Penang state administrations from 1965 to 1985 were impacted by the drawing of raw water from Sungai Muda, as a significant strategic factor. This article's goal is to explore the interactions between the two governments over raw water that they acquire from Sungai Muda. Additionally, it will assess the effects of Kedah's decision to permit Penang to use Sungai Muda's raw water. Based on previous studies, it was found that despite the issue's relevance and obvious connection to the current water supply dispute between the two states, researchers did not pay much attention to the management of raw water obtained from Sungai Muda by Kedah and Penang.  Since it addresses issues that will still come up between the two states in light of the present water supply crisis, this study is relevant and important. The study used a qualitative methodology in addition to primary materials such as contract documents, archival records, and secondary sources such as books and articles. From the findings, it was observed that the use of raw water sources from Sungai Muda involves close engagement between the states of Kedah and Penang from 1965 to 1985. During this time, the state governments of Penang and Kedah played a crucial role in empowering the water supply sector in their respective states. The historical experience of Malaysia's water supply policy's consolidation in the twenty-first century adds a new dimension to the conversation about water issues in the country.

For years, World Trade Organization (WTO) Members avoided invoking the security exception, leaving unresolved tensions between its self-judging nature and the compulsory jurisdiction of WTO panels. However, in 2017 and 2018, several panels were established after respondents justified measures as essential for national security. The rise in economic sanctions has heightened the importance of WTO security exceptions, which permit otherwise WTO-inconsistent measures like discriminatory tariffs. The broad scope of the national security exception in Article XXI of the GATT poses challenges due to potential abuse. Through a detailed analysis of the legal framework and standards of proof, this article explores the limits of this exception and proposes reforms to balance national security and free trade. It finds that while necessary, the exception's misuse of protectionism threatens global trade stability. The study calls for more explicit guidelines, transparency, and robust dispute resolution to prevent abuse

Secularism is a political ideology that disintegrates religion from state governance. While secularism may work for countries where the majority professed religion that has no specific legal system viz. Christianity, it begins to exhibit its ineptness in countries that either have a multicultural identity or adopt a systematic religion like Islam as its official religion. To unravel this, secularism acquiesced to embody two divisions of secularism entailing freedom of religion and freedom from religion. The objective of the writing is to resolve the conflicts of the secularism ideology in multicultural state.  The methodology adopted in the research is doctrinal legal research which employed qualitative research. For multicultural counterparts, the absolute disintegration of religion raises difficulties, hence, they opt for the secular concept of freedom of religion. However, from the Islamic perspective, secularism contrasts with Islamic teachings as it is conclusive in every aspect of human life. It has its own foundations and laws that shall be followed at all times. Additionally, the impacts of secularism on the social, educational, and moral aspects have made its germaneness be put in question. Thus, there must be a law to regulate the abovementioned matter in order to ensure the community live with peace and harmony

The Middle East today can be considered an area with the features of chaos due to its geopolitical structure, complex historical identity and decades of crisis. In this volatile area, security has undergone an extensive alteration, and the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a major actor and historical activist, needs certain behavioral patterns to correspond to the situations and trends of security chaos. The present paper seeks to identify the elements of Iran's regional behavioral patterns in the Middle East security chaos. It is hypothesized that Iran needs to take advantage of patterns of constructive interaction, balancing, geopolitical stability, and Interactive Order-Building to play a regional role in this chaos. A descriptive-analytical method and theoretical modeling is employed to account for the historical process of chaos in the Middle East and Iran's chaos management model in foreign policy.

Understanding the "security environment" is one of the main pillars of countries' security strategy. Unless a country's "security environment" is defined, any security planing will be useless. The "security environment" is usually assessed in terms of threats to that environment, but Shiping Tang in his famous article entitled "systemic Theory of the Security Environment ", offers a new approach to defining the 'security environment'. According to it, the "security environment" is considered as a "system" that is formed by several factors. In this study, while introducing the main parts of Tang’s theory, it examines five indicators "permeability of geographical barriers", "power of State", "behave with self-restraint", "robust constraint behalf international structure (structural constraints)" and "dominance of defense" that he presents about the good security environment of a country, is discussed and while examining the above five indicators, it is concluded that the "security environment" of the Islamic Republic of Iran is good (or desirable) and the likelihood of war is low. The purpose of this study is to apply a system-oriented theory in order to understand the security environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to manage the threats posed by that environment by understanding the "security environment". The necessity of research also stems from the use of a system-oriented approach that has received less attention, because the theoretical effort of researchers has been focused on using the traditional threat-identifying approach in order to understand the security environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Looking at the studies and analyses conducted in the field of Iran's issues with the world, we see the ignorance of Iran's geopolitical aspect. The concern of the present study is why Iran, despite its geopolitical importance, is always analyzed in terms of ideology and political Islam in the international arena? However, given the current geopolitical components and even its future geopolitical advantages, Iran has a potential and actual position and importance at the regional and international levels. The purpose of this study is, first, to highlight the more deliberate neglect of Iran's geopolitical aspect as an existing problem and to show some of its most important effects, and second, to highlight the geopolitical nature of Iran. The data collection method is descriptive-analytical, and they have been analyzed in the framework of the theory of "Geopolitics: The Impact of Politics on Geography" and the analytical framework of "Hermeneutics of Reflection". Based on the analysis of the effects of Iran's geopolitical neglect and with a look at the historical course (contemporary history), the research findings are a set of "historical" and "geopolitical" symbols and signs revealing the importance and determination of Iran's geopolitics, its precedence on political, ideological, cultural aspects, and the error of degradation in terms of geoculture. The result of this study is to ignore Iran's geopolitical aspect, reduce Iran's effective acting power in the international arena by introducing it more as an ideological actor, and put all the pressure on the Islamic Revolution, political Islam and the Islamic State.

In the burst of sophisticated platforms, it reached its peak where people worship and preach their rights of freedom of speech.  We witnessed a subsequent arose issue where people questioned the imposed restrictions on them in the realm of social media platforms by the authority. Nonetheless, the merely conferred freedom of speech will bring public disharmony. It was because people are exposed to and choose to be permeated by personal media applications. Thus, via the platforms, people are inclined to voice, issue and navigate their statements based on feelings, thoughts, and opinions without contemplating the effects and rationale of it. Normally, the statement is controversial while dripping at the edge of the sensitive topic while creating social disharmony and triggering social bonding. Thus, principle of Social Contract was brought in order to justify the restrictions imposed by the authority. At the same time, people used Social Contract as a defense to uphold their rights. Nevertheless, it may lead to numerous problems with the absence of restrictions. Besides, Twitter, Facebook, LinkedIn, Instagram and etc. were the examples of personal media platforms the writer referred to. Thus, the thrust of the paper is to examine to what extent the government may impose restrictions on their citizens via personal media platforms in relation to Social Contracts and the right of freedom of speech. Thus, the writers will conduct the paper through a qualitative approach which is a pure literature review. The gist of limitation is where the personal media platform would be focused, and restrictions referred to which were imposed by the governmental authorities instead of the personal media administrator. The The paper suggests that, notwithstanding the conventional Social Contract theory, the writers argued that the restrictions shall be imposed on personal media users.

In the present study, the impact of U.S. foreign policy strategies on Iran's regional power and influence is investigated. The main question is how U.S. foreign policy strategies on the Middle East and Iran during George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump's presidencies affected Iran's regional power and influence. The hypothesis is that various principles and strategies of U.S. foreign policy during Bush, Obama and Trump administrations have led to the greater regional power and influence of Iran. In order to test this hypothesis, after investigating the historical context and selecting a conceptual framework, the impact of U.S. foreign policy on Iran's regional power and influence has been studied. Next, the impact of the U.S. foreign policy strategy on Iran’s regional power and influence, such as aims, interests, behaviors, actions, costs, achievements, effects, and implications are analyzed.