Foreign policy

Shahid Soleimani designed and implemented a new model of diplomacy during the years of commanding the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which can be analyzed based on the conceptual framework of smart diplomacy. The main problem of the present research is also the observation of how this type of diplomacy is organized and formed and the ability to institutionalize it. (The main question) This article, which is based on the (qualitative case study) method, is what model and principles does diplomacy have in Shahid Soleimani's school? The findings of this exploratory research show that Shahid Soleimani was able to create a unique example of diplomacy in the region with the help of the four basic principles of military-security networking, simultaneous multi-layered action, nation-centered and ideology-based diplomacy. make a foot In this model of diplomacy defined in the specific political-cultural and economic context of the West Asian region, Shahid Soleimani was able to increase the national security factor and increase the influence of the ideology of the Islamic Revolution with the defeat of ISIS far more than in the past.

Africa is of high significance for both developing and developed nations due to its geopolitical position, economic issues, cultural traditions, and the substantial number of Africans in international organizations and institutions. The Islamic Republic of Iran, driven by revolutionary objectives and national interests, cannot overlook Africa. Generally, In the discourse of the Iranian Islamic revolution, Africa is perceived as an oppressed continent under colonial influence with a significant Muslim population. However, despite being described as having a "strategic position" in Iran's foreign policy by Iranian officials, a closer examination of the peak periods of Iran-Africa interactions reveals that their engagement has remained limited. This paper aims to assess the status of Africa within the overarching foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seeks to address the question of Africa's place in Iran's strategic planning and development programs. It evaluating the content of “development plan” directives and the performance of Iranian governments since 1995 using post-event analysis and trend research methods. The findings indicate that despite Africa's importance; Iranian policymakers have never formulated a coherent strategy for effective presence in Africa. Consequently, Iran's policies in Africa have been more focused on "meta-political" statements, lacking both evaluative and measurable frameworks as well as enforcement guarantees. This study demonstrates that Iran's policies in Africa have been driven by the motivations of ambassadors and the preferences and judgments of executors, with no consistent program pursued to achieve its true goals.

Israel’s foreign policy at times diverges from prevailing realist expectations, specifically rational considerations and prudence. This article argues that this is the result of what Ernst Cassirer calls mythical thought or what can be called a myth-based discourse that constructs the mindset of policy makers and has made the emergence of non-realist elements in Israel’s foreign policy possible. In this discourse, quantity, quality, similarity, space, and time acquire specific characteristics and, in the field of foreign policy, this primarily leads to maximalist aspirations, volunteerism, reactiveness, lack of proportionality between capabilities and actions, and at times refraining from diplomatic engagements. However, we encounter a state's identity as a modern ruling state which, to gain international recognition and acceptability, must abide by the norms and laws that define statehood. On the other hand, we face an identity stemming from a mythical discourse, encompassing non-modern, irrational elements and self-definitions based on rules that often contradict legal discourse. Relying on discourse analysis, the texts produced by Israeli foreign policymakers are analyzed to show how this specific way of thinking has made non-realist elements in Israeli foreign policy possible.

This study explores the capacities of practical theology in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The significance of this topic lies in the potential of practical theology to offer a novel framework for understanding and implementing Iran's foreign policy. The main question of the article is: What are the capacities of practical theology in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research follows a descriptive-analytical approach, and data have been collected through library research and expert interviews. The research process includes examining the concepts of practical theology and foreign policy, analyzing expert perspectives, and identifying the capacities of practical theology in three main areas: shaping national identity and interests, guiding foreign policy behavior, and offering a new definition of the international order. The article’s main contribution is presenting a new perspective on integrating practical theology with foreign policy, which could enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of Iran’s foreign policy while also providing a basis for more active Iranian engagement in shaping the future global order

This research presents a comparative analysis regarding the influence of religion as a key component of national identity on behavioral patterns in Iran's foreign policy across two distinct periods: that of Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic. The significance of examining religion arises from its impact on national interest formulation within constructivist frameworks, where identity constructs play a pivotal role. The primary objective of this study is to elucidate how recognizing religion's position as an identity factor can enhance our understanding of behavioral patterns in Iran's foreign policy. Addressing the inquiry into religion's influence on these patterns during both eras, this paper posits that while religion was one of many influential factors in Pahlavi II's foreign policy landscape, it did not substantially integrate into national identity or affect foreign policy decisions at that time. Conversely, within the Islamic Republic framework, religion emerges as a fundamental ideology and an independent variable that shapes foreign policy behavior. The research findings ultimately reveal that during Pahlavi II’s era, national interests were defined through the lens of modern state identity, whereas Shia ideology became central to shaping foreign policy identity in the Islamic Republic. Consequently, religion has demonstrated a significant direct impact on behavioral patterns within this political context.

Afghanistan, as a landlocked buffer state, has endured over four decades of instability and continuous military conflicts, driven by both foreign military interventions and internal strife. The primary focus of these conflicts has been the seizure of power and the expansion of influence within the country. Over this period, two of the world’s leading military powers have attempted direct military intervention, only to be met with failure due to a combination of external rivalries-both regional and global-and internal resistance. These factors have perpetuated the crisis and hindered stability in Afghanistan.As a buffer state, Afghanistan’s survival depends on maintaining a balanced position among rival powers and avoiding entanglement in their spheres of influence. This requires a carefully crafted foreign policy that acknowledges the unique geopolitical demands imposed by its buffer state status. The hypothesis of this study suggests that one of the key reasons for the persistence of the crisis in Afghanistan is the country’s failure to fully consider these geopolitical imperatives in its foreign policy. This oversight has heightened tensions and encouraged external intervention.This article aims to first provide a comprehensive understanding of buffer states, drawing on the perspectives of prominent scholars. It then evaluates the foreign policy variables that shape Afghanistan's geopolitical environment, with a focus on the requirements specific to its buffer state role. The research is conducted using a descriptive-analytical methodology, with data sourced from a wide range of library materials, credible domestic and international publications, reports, and electronic sources.

The policy of Looking East represents a strategic approach towards the regions beyond the eastern, southeastern, and northeastern borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran, aiming to deepen harmonious relations with actors present in these areas. Consequently, the country has devoted particular attention to fostering cooperation and forming alliances with these actors, both through bilateral engagements and collective collaborations within the framework of regional convergence institutions, to secure national interests and enhance the country's security coefficient. Following the emergence of the Ahmadinejad administration, the Eastern Look has garnered increased importance, although it had been a consideration for previous governments. Iran's confrontations with the West, particularly over nuclear sanctions, have driven it to adopt policies in response to Western actions. Under the Raisi administration, Iran's "look east" policy, which had initially gained traction in theory, was pragmatically pursued and further developed as part of its Asian and neighboring strategies. This research examines how Iran has strengthened its relations with neighboring and eastern countries through this policy and evaluates the outcomes it has produced. In response to this question, we hypothesize that the Islamic Republic of Iran, through the development of the looking East and Asian and neighboring policies, initially reduced the pressure of Western sanctions against itself, leading to results such as the free trade agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union, membership in the BRICS, membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the expansion of relations with neighboring countries. This research utilizes a qualitative research method with a trend analysis approach, drawing from library resources and scientific articles.

Iran's foreign policy in the past two decades has been the subject of debate between those who prioritize interests and those who prioritize ideology when analyzing the factors influencing Iran's behavior on the international stage. Both perspectives have sought to understand Iran's foreign policy through the lenses of rationality and ideology, exploring the interplay between national and ideological interests. Given the significant role of the United States in shaping Iran's foreign policy post-Islamic Revolution, a key question arises regarding the balance between national interests and ideological motivations in the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign relations, particularly concerning the U.S. This article, drawing on the theoretical framework of identity realism, argues that following the end of the Iran-Iraq War and the collapse of the bipolar world order, Iran has realigned its principles, objectives, interests, and ideologies to prioritize national interests and safeguard its survival in the face of American policies and pressures. The study employs a descriptive-analytical research methodology, relying on library sources for data collection. The research findings challenge the assumption of a dichotomy between ideological motivations and national interests in Iran's foreign policy, demonstrating a consistent alignment between these two factors in practice. Iran recognizes that in today's evolving regional landscape, it must integrate national interests, ideological considerations, and the international system, viewing the convergence of these elements as essential for safeguarding its national interests and ensuring its survival.